8th
International Conference |
Contribution
of
NCP (Unitiycentre-Mashal),
Nepal
Notes on
Current Political Situation and Maoist Problem of
Nepal
-Nepal Communist Party (Unity
Centre-Mashal)
In this country report I shall mainly
concentrate on providing a brief description of the current political situation
of Nepal, the role of Maoists and the party unification that took place before
about two years. But before that I would like to provide a cursory introduction
of Nepal.
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Nepal, with an
Area of 147181sq. km. and population of 22.3 millions (1999) is pre-dominantly
an agricultural country. It is a land-locked country surrounded by Tibet region
of China in the North and by India in the North, West, South and East. It is
mainly a hill country with high mountains in the North, lesser hills in middle
and plain in the South. Nepal ranks among the poorest countries of the world.
To have a
clear view of the political situation of Nepal, we should be acquainted with at
least a short history of the modern Nepal. The history of modern Nepal begins
after Prithivi Narayan Shah laid down the foundation of kingdom of Nepal.
However, the process of expansion
of territory of the country was checked after the treaty of 1815 with the
British, which is called the Sugauli treaty. According to it, Nepal had to
surrender to the British many of the parts which it conquered. Since then the process of colonisation
started in Nepal. In 1846 an autocratic and hereditary rule of Ranas as prime
minister was established in the country making the Shah Kings captives in the
palace. The political change of 1951 overthrew the Rana rule and established
parliamentary system in the country the King as constitutional head of the
government. In 1959 general election was held and the Nepali congress formed the
government with gaining absolute majority. But in 1960 the King established his
dictatorial rule, which he gave the name of Panchayat democracy,dissolving the
parliament and cabinet, banning all political parties and all class, mass or
social organisations. Thousands of political leaders and workers were arrested in the country and put to jail
for longer time. After a prolonged struggle of three decades and the historical
united democratic movement of 1990,
the so-called Panchayat system was abolished and the parliamentary system was
again established in the country with the King as the constitutional head again.
The elections for parliament were held in 1991, 1994 and 1999. But on October 4,
2002 the King took all executive power
in his hands dissolving the parliament and cabinet. Since then an united
movement of five parties to defeat the regression of the King, restore and
defend the democratic achievements of 1990 is going on in the
country.
Nepal is a
semi-feudal and semi-colonial country, the new democratic revolution being the
historical necessity of the country. It has been ruled by the absolute monarchy
for many centuries and at present even the minimum fundamental rights are
curtailed in the country. People and political parties have been fighting for
democracy in Nepal for last 7 decades. They have been able to establish
parliamentary system twice in the history of Nepal by making King as
constitutional head of the government. But the king has been able to maintain
the sovereignty and army in his hands which makes the conception of
constitutional monarchy meaningless in real sense. Benefiting from such a
situation, namely sovereignty and army in his hands, the King has been able to
establish his dictatorial rule again and again. So the question of the transfer
of sovereignty and army from the hand of the King has been a matter of
fundamental importance even to fulfil the minimum necessity of constitutional
monarchy. Taking lessons from the experience of the history, 18-points programme
of the united movement of five parties, of whom besides the UML, Nepali Congress
etc.the People’s Front Nepal,
supported by NCP(Unity Centre-Mashal) also is included, has included the demands
of transfer of sovereignty and army to the people or the elected government.But
it is worth mention in this regard that our party has giving emphasis on this
issue since many decades.
After the
King took all power into his hands on October 4, 2004, series of country-wide
movements have taken place in the country. The present movement which started on
April 1, 2004 with protest demonstration of more than one hundred thousands
people in the capital is still continuing for more than a month with almost
daily demonstration or confrontation with the police in the street. In course of
such a movement thousands of people are arrested, hundreds of them been harshly
beaten or seriously wounded. Some of the leaders have been sent to jail under
security act although due to pressure of the mass movement, the government is
compelled to release them soon after. The new phenomena of the present movement
is that even the many other political parties, social or professional
organisations or sections of the people have joined the anti-regression
movement. For last two or three months the students also have played very
important role in the movement. The press reporters also have come in forefront
in the movement. NCP (Unity centre-Mashal), besides providing active support to
the united movement, has formed Central United Action Committee (CUAC)
consisting of representatives of Party, People´s Front, Nepal and many other
class and mass organisations to support the united movement, to organise in the
movement on its own initiative and to expose the participants of the united
movement in case they betray the movement. The CUAC besides conducting
demonstration in the capital has been organising the movement throughout the
country. The King is trying to
strengthen his retrogression position mainly on the basis of, on the one hand,
support of American imperialism and Indian expansionism and,on the other
hand,using army, throughout the country in the guise of fighting Maoists. But
these means would not enable him to suppress the people and movement for a long
time. Besides it, the contradictions among the USA and EU on the question of
supporting the dictatorial rule of the King, double role of India and increasing
exposure of the King is making the position of the King more and more
weak.
To
understand this subject matter in correct perspective, we should analyse
correctly the inter-relationship or contradiction existing between the objective
of solving the bourgeoisie democratic revolution, i.e., the new democratic
revolution, and the present united movement having limited demands within the
semi-feudal and semi-colonial structure itself. It is because of inability of
adopting Marxist-Leninist approach on dialectical relation on these two aspects
that either rightiest or sectarian tendencies appear in the leftist movement.
There is no any doubt on the question that the basic problems of bourgeoisie
democratic movement can not be solved even if the present united movement
succeeds, the achievements of 1990
movement are released and sovereignty or army are transferred to people. Based
upon such correct conclusions, a wrong tendency is often seen in the leftist
movement to negate at all the movements
for immediate bourgeoisie democratic rights claiming that, firstly, it
will not establish real democracy in the country and, secondly, it will not
solve the
problems of
the people. Such conclusions are correct or even revolutionary when considered
upon those seperately. But when we consider upon those in context of the
concrete situation of the country, such a view is reactionary in essence. At a
time when the King is trying to establish his dictatorial rule snatching the
limited achievements of the movement of 1990, to negate or even oppose the
movement directed to foil the retrogressive attempt of the King is certainly a
sectarian view. The rightist view intends to limit the movement to the immediate
demands only and overlooks the
necessity to work to raise the
consciousness of people and level of struggle to higher level. In many cases
they show the tendency of compromising with the King giving up the demands not
only transfer of sovereignty or army to the elected government, but also forming
the government leaving the executive power in the hands of the King which again
is certain to make conception of constitutional monarchy meaningless as before.
It is only by exposing both of these faulty trends that, on the one hand, we can
build a strong movement against the King and defeat his retrogression and, on
the other hand, lead the people to higher revolutionary movement. The sectarian
elements are unable to comprehend that even the limited rights that the present
united movement would succeed to achieve will pave the way to develop the
movement for the higher revolutionary demands. So Inspite of the limited nature
of the 18 points programme, its inter-relationship with the further or higher
development of the movement is self-evident which the sectarians are unable to
grasp.
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To apprehend the democratic or anti-regression movement
in proper perspective, we should have a correct appraisal of the role of Maoists
and their so-called people’s war. First of all, because of their anarchist and
non-Marxist-Leninist view, they are unable to comprehend the importance that
struggle for bourgeoisie democratic rights, although of limited types, occupies
in the revolutionary movement. Marxist Leninists always have been fighting to
achieve or defend even bourgeoisie rights when those are endangered on
threatened by the absolute monarchy or fascism of one or another kind. But it is
well known fact in the history of world communist movement that anarchists
claming themselves in favour of higher revolutionary objectives have been
opposing the movement directed to bourgeoisie democratic rights or system. Such
an anarchist tendency is well manifested in the thinking or activities of
Maoists of Nepal. First of all what has been established from their own action
that their armed struggle is an ultra-leftists trend and does not conform with
the objective and subjective situation of the country and as a result of it they
are heading towards rightiest opportunism which is becoming more and more
evident. From the unprincipled or opportunist modification they are making in
their policies. From the very beginning they have been expressing the view
that both the absolute monarchy and
constitutional monarchy or parliamentary system are equally reactionary and it
is revisionism to make any difference between them. Such a view is, needless to
mention, is purely anarchist one. In this context, the famous quotation of Lenin
is worth mention where he says that
the constitution monarchy is progressive in comparison to absolute monarchy,
whereas even the bourgeois republic is progressive in comparison to later one
(constitutional monarchy) Such an anarchist view of Maoists in the beginning led
them to attack both the monarchy and parliamentary system equally. This led them
to murder hundreds of workers of Nepali Congress and UML. But their such tactics
soon took a turn with their “undeclared” unity-in-action with the King (their
own authentic confession) . Their unity-in-action with the King developed with
their countrywide unity with royalists and army- the army remaining inactive
even when Maoists made attack upon the police posts nearby military barrack. The
example of Dolpa district is well known in this respect. The King even declined
to accept the demand of the government to use army against the Maoists. Such a
policy of the King was only as a calculated part of his strategy to utilise the
armed struggle of the Maoists to abolish the democratic achievements of 1990.
They were so much influenced by such policy of the King that they went even to
the extent of praising whole of the Kings of Shah dynasty from Prithvi Narayan
to King Birendra as patriatic ones to be exatted by Nepalese people for ages to
come. Soon they came with the slogan that the parliament and cabinet should be
dissolved and the constitution be suspended. The royalists also were organising
country-wide demonstration and signature campaign putting forth the same
demands. When Maoists entered into dialogue with the government under Sher
Bahadur, they formally had presented these demands as main political
proposals.(The Human Rights year Book 2002, published from Kathmandu has
published the full text of their proposals) Thus on these question of attacking upon
the parliament the King, the royalists and the Maoists were on the same line and
this was the political ground on which the unity-in-action between the Maoists
and the King took place although in undeclared way.
Ultimately
the King fulfilled their demands of Maoists dissolving the parliament and
cabinet and taking all executive powers into his hands, as mentioned before, on
Oct 4, 2004. Political parties supporting the movement of 1990 have started
their movement to restore and defend the achievements of 1990. When the
anti-regression movement developed
in the country, the King again sent his messenger to bring the Maoists to the peace talk assuring
that he will let them form the government. But the Maoists were unable to
understand that it was only a trick of the King to weaken the movement against
the retrogression. The Maoists organised country-wide public meetings attacking
the anti-regression united movement. They went to the extent of condemning that
(the united movement) as a conspiracy to foil the peace talk and they even
challenged to all political parties to take side either of them (Maoists) or the
King denying any existence of them(political parties) outsides the Maoist and
King. They put forward the policy
of forming government collaborating with all political forces consisting of even
most reactionary or royalties ones led by the King. They interpreted it as
democratic system of new model which was to replace the new democratic system.
Needless to mention, this was manifestation of their naked petty bourgeoisie
character and ideological bankruptcy. It was because of their such character
that the King has again and again been able to utilise them for his vested
interests. At that time they (Maoists) thought that the formation of their
government was only a matter of a few days. So they started to talk as if they
were in power. They even took initiative to get support of the ambassdars
imperialists countries, USA and countries of EU, to form the government. They
repeatedly requested to ambassadors of western countries to let them meet which
were turned down. To plead them and to get their favour to form the government
they even made statements that they were preparing to support the market economy
(Their statements in the meeting of Chambers of Commerce). After they became
disappointed from western powers, they modified their policies so as to get
support of the Indian government and for this they have given up the policy of
opposing expansionist policy of India for last two years.
Such a
tendency to go to the side of from one or another domestic or foreign
reactionary power- from King to American imperialism or EU and Indian
expansionism- even modifying their policy is naked pragmatism. Such a character
of theirs was directed by their petty bourgeoisie motive of quick victory or to
fulfil their careerist ambition by any means.
It is because of their such character that they
from the very begining have been unable to take correct stand on the question of
struggle for democratic movement or correct attitude towards the political
parties fighting against the King. Their action of violent attack upon the
workers of political parties also indicates their hostile attitude toward the
democratic movement. Uptill now hundreds of workers of UML or Nepali Congress
have been killed and dozens of workers of our party have been kidnapped and made
captives from months by the Maoists. They, giving up the principle of class
struggle which always gives emphasis on the struggle against class enemies and
protection of the exploited and labouring people, have been looting, harassing ,
kidnapping or even murdering in
barbaric way people belonging to exploited and poor classes in large number.
There are numerous examples of hundreds of women and students being kidnapped,
civilian buses being burst by bombs, people being burnt alive in the houses etc.
What has worsen the situation in later years is, mainly guided by the
possibility of earning money terrorising or looting people, many wrong,
anti-social or criminal elements have entered into their organisation the number
of genuine revolutionary workers of lower ranks being decreasing or being put to
secondary position . Such a development is turning their organisation more and
more into an organisation of lumpen proletariat. Because of increase of such
elements in to their organisation, inability of the leadership to provide
ideological training to the lower level cadres, loose type of discipline,
anarchist nature of organisation and careerist leadership in the centre guided
by pragmatism the Maoist group is being turned day by day into force which is
damaging the cause of resolution, democratic movement and people. Inspite of it,
considering upon their character in totality, we regard the Maoist group as a
friendly force and our party has been repeatedly trying to form unity-in-action
with them on the basis of mutually agreed common policies although in the same
time continuing ideological struggle against their wrong policies and
activities.
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In the last we would like to describe about the
party unification that took place between the the former NCP(Mashal) and
NCP(Unitycentre) about two years before. The unification have taken place after
a long dialog of about four and half years. This was not an easy task as there
were many differences among us on the questions concerning political line,
organisational matters and international communist movement making the task of
party unity very difficult and complicated. By the mutual dialogue and
consultation we succeeded to solve many of the differences, but not all.
However, inspite of many of such differences, we agreed for unification of the
party conducting open discussion till the next Congress on the question on which
we differed.
But our party unity would have not been
succeeded without struggling hard against the attempt of the Maoists to foil the
process of our party unity. They openly appealed that the former Unity Centre in
place of making unity with the former Mashal should make party unity with them.
Even after our party unity they have been conspiring in a planned way to cause
split in party. They have issued many public statements to in this regards.
The experiment of
unification of our party has many valuable experiences. We have made party unity
among the differences of serious type existing between two organisations. From
our own experiences we have realised that it is not an easy task to make party
unity in such a condition. But in the same time we are also aware with the
fact that we have to face such
differences within own party also which we try to solve on the basis of two line
struggle and democratic centralism although at some times such differences lead to split in the party. Taking
lessons from al such experiences we are trying our best to strengthen the party
unity conducting two-line struggle have on principled, discipline or friendly
way.
Hereby, we would like to throw light on our
organisational aspect. Our party, with the name of Nepal Communist Party was
founded on 22 April 1949. NCP (Unity centre-Mashal) is a continuation of that.
At present the organisation set up of the party is kept underground, although
two comrades as spokesmen for public relation and propaganda are open. We
participate in election or legal activities through the legal front. Beside countrywide organisation of the legal
front, we have many class and mass such as such workers, peasants, youth, women,
students, ethnic people, scheduled castes etc having countrywide organisational
activities and mass movement. In India also we have mass organisations having
organisation in all India level composed of Nepalese living there. We have even
started the task of organising Nepalese living in other foreign countries also.
After the unification of the party, all these class or mass organisation also
have been unified both in central and local level. Our party has always been giving much
emphasis on fraternal and friendly relation on the basis of proletarian
internationlism. We shall do our best to expand or strengthen such relation in
future too.