8th
International Conference |
Contribution
of
Marxistisch-Leninistische
Partei Deutschlands, Germany
Germany is a leading imperialist country
at the stage of development of state-monopoly capitalism and, with regard to
economy, the strongest country in the European Union. With more than 82 million
inhabitants it is also the most populous country in the EU. 36.5 million persons
are gainfully employed. Out of the almost 90 percent wage and salary earners 7.7
million were organized in unions of the German Trade Union Federation (DGB) at
the end of 2002.
The
Marxist-Leninist factory and trade union work among the approximately 6 million
blue- and white-collar workers of the large-scale industrial enterprises is the
main fighting line of the MLPD. It concentrates 60 percent of its forces on this
work.
After
35 years of systematic construction work and a continuous advancement of
Marxist-Leninist party building,
the MLPD can look back on its highest membership level and greatest mass
influence since the Founding Party Congress in 1982. It meanwhile is represented
in 450 cities in all the federal states of Germany and in 50 percent of the 500
biggest industrial enterprises. Nonetheless, our work is still limited to about
5 to 10 million people.
The
trend is clearly in the direction of the working-class offensive. On November
1, 2003, an independent mass demonstration against the government with
over 100,000 participants in Berlin, was successfully organized against the
will of the reformist trade union leadership, Attac and the PDS (”Party of
Democratic Socialism”). The MLPD played a major role in the organizing of this
demonstration and, in particular, was able to achieve a mass participation from
within the factories.
In
this situation, the 2004 collective wage negotiations in the metal
industry increasingly developed
into a trial of power between the
working class on the one side and the government and monopolies on the other
side. The general capitalists’ association of the metal industry,
”Gesamtmetall”, provocatively called for the unpaid extension of weekly working
hours to 40 and for a real wage reduction. However, the workers were ready to
accept the challenge –
to defend the 35-hour week by strike, to assert their
wage demands, and to face up to this test of power in struggle. More than
500,000 metalworkers took part in the union warning strikes. In this situation,
Gesamtmetall and the leadership of the metalworkers’ union backed down in order
to defuse the situation. The monopolies had noticed that this trial of power
could have unforeseeable consequences for the development of the class struggle.
The
intermediate strata begin to move
In
Germany a transition to the second stage of class struggle is only possible if
the winning of the decisive majority of the working class is combined with
the inclusion of the broad masses in the struggle against the government and
monopolies. Therefore, it is very significant that the petty-bourgeois
intermediate strata in the FRG also began to move in 2003/2004 and that the new
people’s movement is on the upswing. About 3.5 million people took to the
streets in protest activities and struggles in Germany in 2003 – more than in
the three previous years combined. Different from the mass actions of the 1980s,
the new people’s movement relates and orients itself to the working class. Thus,
a clearly politicized student movement encompassing hundreds of thousands
of students has emerged. Major sections of it relate to the working class
movement, unlike the student movement of a few years ago, which raised purely
student demands. In connection with the war on Iraq a peace movement
encompassing millions of people developed in Germany which coordinated its
activities internationally and in which the MLPD formed the recognized pole for
the organizing of active resistance. We see the beginnings of a nationally
organized movement of the unemployed and pensioners. Dairy farmers are
protesting against the big retail companies and the pressing down of producer
prices. There is growing opposition among civil servants and state employees. In
recent months tens of thousands of policemen and policewomen have taken part in
demonstrations in uniform, which is prohibited in Germany.
Drastic
deterioration of the living conditions of the broad masses in
Germany
In
the wake of the world economic crisis in conjunction with the international
structural crisis, the situation of the masses in Germany has worsened
considerably. Germany has fallen behind in international competition, a fact
reflected in very low growth rates.
To
compensate for Germany’s relapse in the international competitive struggle, the
Schröder/Fischer government, in collusion with the other EU countries, pursues a
crisis program which is coordinated throughout Europe. In Germany this program
provides for the drastic reduction of hard-won social benefits and marks a
qualitative leap in the dismantling of the social gains of the masses.
In
Germany, the real number of unemployed rose from 7.2 million in 2000 to 7.9
million in 2003, i.e., by about 10 percent. If we add the underemployed, then we
have a figure of 15.8 million in 2000, which rapidly increased to 19.6 million
by 2003 – an increase of 24.1 percent!
Manifestations
of general pauperization appear which, until now, we have known mainly from the
neocolonially dependent and oppressed countries. 400,000 persons are acutely
threatened by homelessness in Germany today. Millions live below the poverty
line. Mainly four groups of persons make up these poor: firstly, the unemployed
who over lengthy periods are unable to get jobs; secondly, a growing number of
pensioners who encounter poverty in old age; thirdly, workers who no longer can live
on the wages they earn; and fourthly, the many immigrants who are forced into
welfare aid programs and who make up a large section of these
poor.
New
demands on the class consciousness of the workers
The
most important demand on the class consciousness of the working class at present
is raised by the expansion of the EU. The ruling circles picture this as a
peaceful reunification of divided Europe. In reality it has to do with the
neocolonialist integration of 10 countries exploited and oppressed by
imperialism. To divide up the new markets between the 150 West European
supermonopolies, the EU has arranged a 40.8 billion euro investment program
according to which each company gets between 37 and 70 percent in state
subsidies, tax relief or other benefits if it invests in the new EU countries in
the coming years. That is the reason for a number of cases of the relocation of
operations from Germany to these countries. But those in rule and the reformist
trade union leadership as well divert attention from this neocolonialist policy,
claiming that the shifts are occurring mainly because of the cheap wages and the
longer working hours. This is designed to force workers in Germany into
merciless competition against the workers of these countries and to make them
accept the extension of working hours to 40, with no wage compensation, and the
massive reduction of wages. However, it is an illusion to think one can prevent
the neocolonialist offensive and the relocation of parts of production this way.
With wages in proportion to sales averaging 8.5 percent in German industry, even
if wages were 50 percent less, the wage portion would decline only by a few
percentage points. On the other hand, the state subsidies cut the cost of
investment by as much as 70 percent. This all requires a higher consciousness of
the working class, which has to cope with a new level of competition and fight
together across frontiers.
The
MLPD learned to move and lead masses
The
Seventh Party Congress of the MLPD held a few weeks ago in Magdeburg took stock
of how the MLPD had accomplished the task assigned to it by the Sixth Party
Congress ”to learn to move and to lead masses”. The Political Report of the
Central Committee adopted by the Congress states:
”In
Germany, the MLPD was able to influence the development of class
consciousness in a significant way. Although the Party is still a relatively
small force in terms of society as a whole, at focal points of the
working-class movement, but also of
the women’s, youth and peace movements, it was able to play a
determining role. Through the proper concentration of forces and a
successful strategy and tactics in the struggle over the mode of thinking of the
masses, it managed to establish the superiority of the proletarian mode of
thinking in the struggle against the petty-bourgeois mode of thinking. Modern
anticommunism had to suffer obvious defeats, and that enabled the MLPD to grow
into a new societal role.”
Die
MLPD thus has stood important tests in the last few years. The basis for this
was that with the elaboration of Revolutionärer Weg, Nos. 29-31, ”The
Reorganization of International Production”, by the CC, it had a sure
orientation in every situation.
Both
the successes and the failures were assessed by the Party Congress as a result
of how party building had been made the leading factor. The speech of the
Party chairman opening the Seventh Congress remarked on
this:
”It
is the operation of a petty-bourgeois system of the worshipping of spontaneity
which in essence stands in the way of determined party building. For this
reason, the entire revolutionary vigilance of the leading bodies and members of
our Party must be focused on this problem. ...
So
the system of the petty-bourgeois mode of thinking in society opposes the
building of the Party into a party of the masses with an entire system of the
worship of spontaneity in party work. It is a reflection within the Party of
this social system of the
petty-bourgeois mode of thinking.
Its
basis in world outlook is the vulgar-materialist illusion that the
exacerbation of the situation automatically leads to the development of higher
levels of class consciousness and to a consolidation of the proletarian mode of
thinking. We German revolutionaries also know from history, from the sorrowful
experience of fascism, that there definitely is not just one way. There is also
the possibility that the masses err and lose their way, otherwise fascism would
not have been able to triumph in Germany.
Its
politics follows the reformist principle of moderating the worst evils
and effects of capitalism here and now and losing sight of the strategic tasks
of the revolutionary struggle for power.
Its
methods are rule of thumb, hectic activity, proxy politics, a
short-winded approach, and disorganization.
Its
feelings are characterized by vacillation between euphoria and panic, the
ardent desire for more peace and harmony, and gnawing skepticism towards the
Party and the masses and the prospect of revolution.
Its
motive is capitulation before the intensification of the class struggle,
and reconciliation with capitalist society.”
Only
in the unity of objective and subjective factors can the party of the masses
emerge and mature. The class contradictions will sharpen greatly, but no one can
forecast how the class struggle will develop concretely. The MLPD must be
prepared for everything and make party building the focus of its
activities.